Volume 7

Elegant extracts in prose and verse; selected from the fugitive productions of the day ... to illustrate the opinions, wit, and taste of the present age.

Date:
1806?-1826]
Catalogue details

Licence: Public Domain Mark

Credit: Elegant extracts in prose and verse; selected from the fugitive productions of the day ... to illustrate the opinions, wit, and taste of the present age. Source: Wellcome Collection.

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    BOXAPARTE's threatened IXVAStofr of EXGLAXpf * According to Mr, O’Meara, this was not a mere brutufn fulmai, or demonstration;— I asked Napoleon (lie tells as) if lie had really intended to in¬ vade England, and if so, what were his plans? lie replied, “ I would have headed it myself. I had given orders for two fleets ! to proceed to the West Indies. Instead of remaining there, they were merely, to shew themselves amongst the islands, and return directly to Europe, raise the blockade of Ferrol, take the ships out, proceed to Brest, where there were about forty sail of the line, unite and sail to the Channel, where they, would not have met with any thing strong enough to engage them, and clear it of all English men*of-war. By false intelligence, adroitly managed, T calculated that you would have sent squadrons to the East and West Indies and Mediterranean, in search of my fleets. Before they could return, I would have had tire command of the Channel for two months, as I should have had about seventy sail of the line, besides frigates. I would have hastened over my flotilla with two hundred thousand men, landed as near Chatham as pas¬ sible, and proceeded direct to London, where I calculated to ar¬ rive in four days from the time of my landing. I would have proclaimed a republic, (I was First Consul then), the abolition of •the nobility and the house of peers, the distribution of the pro¬ perty of such of the latter as opposed me amongst my partizans, liberty, equality, and the sovereignty of the people. 1 would have allowed the House of Commons to remain ; but would have intro-, duced a great reform. I would have published a proclamation, declaring that we came as friends to the English, and to free the nation from a corrupt and flagitious aristocracy, and restore a popular form of gftv&rnment—a democracy which would have been confirmed by the conduct of my army, as I would not have allowed the slightest outrage to be committed by my troops. Marauding, or ill-treating the inhabitants, or the most trifling in¬ fringement of my orders, l would have punished with instant death. I think,” continued he, “ that my promises, together with what I would actually have effected, I should have had the sup¬ port of a great many. In a large city like London, where there are so many canaille, and so many disaffected, I should have been joined by a formidable body. I would at the same time have excited an insurrection in Ireland.” 1 observed, that his arm? would have been destroyed piece-meal, that he would have had a million of men in arms against him in a short time ; and, mnre- ever, that the English would have burnt London, rather than have suffered it to fall into his hands. “ No, no,” said Napoleon, “ I do not believe it. you are too rich, and too fond of money. A nation will not so readily burn its capital. How often have the Parisians sworn to bury themselves under the ruins of their capi¬ tal, rather than suffer it to fall into the hands of the enemies of France ; nod yet twice it has been taken. There is no knowing what would have happened, Mr. Doctor. Neither Pitt, nor you, nor I, could have foretold what would have been the result. The hope of a change for the better, and of a division of property, would have operated wonderfully amongst the canaille, especially ' that of London. The canaille of all rich nation! are nearly alike, j I would have made such promises as would have had a groat , effect. What resistance could an undisciplined army make against ! mine, in a country like England, abounding in plains ? I consi¬ dered all you have said ; but I calculated on the effect that would be produced by the possession of a great and rich capital, the 1 bank, and all your riches, the ships in the river, and at Chatham. I expected that I should have had the command of the Channel for two months, by which I should have hud supplies of troops ; and when your fleet came back, (hey would have found their capital in the hands of an enemy, and their countrjr overwhelmed by my armies. I would have abolished flogging, and promised your seamen every thing ; which would have made a great impression upon their minds. My proclamations, stating that we came only as friends, to relieve the English from an obnoxious and despotic aristocracy, whose object was to keep the nation eternally at war, iu order to enrich themselves and their families with the blood of the people ; together with the proclaiming a republic, the abolition of the monarchical government, and the nobility ; the declaration of the forfeiture of the property of the latter, and its division amongst the partisans of the revolution, j with a general equalization of property, would have gained me the ; support of the canaille, and of all the idle, the profligate, and the disaffected in the kingdom.” And again, “ Had 1 succeeded In effecting a landing,” said he, j “ I have very little doubt that I should have accomplished my j views. Three thousand boats, each to carry twenty men and one horse, with a proportion of artillery, were ready. Your fleet | having been decoyed away, as I before explained to you, would have left me master of the Channel. Without this, I would not i have made the attempt. Four days would have brought me to ' London. In a country like England, abounding in plains, defence ' is very difficult. I have no doubt that your troops would have j done their duty ; but one battle lost, the capital would have been in rny power. You could not have collected a force sufficiently j strong to beat nie in a pitched battle. Your ideas of burning and destroying the towns, and the capital itself, are very plausible in argument, but impracticable in their accomplishment. You would have fought a battle, and lost it. ‘ Well, then,’ you would say, ‘we have been beaten, but we have not lost our honour. We shall now endeavour de tirer la meillenre partie, from misfortune. We must make terms.’ I would have offered yon a constitution of your own choice, and have said, “ Assemble in London depu¬ ties from the people to fix upon a constitution.” I would have , called upon Burdett and other popular leaders to organize one according to the wishes of the people. I would have declared • the * * fallen from the * * *, abolished the nobility, proclaimed liberty, freedom, and equality. Think you, that in order to keep the house of * * * on the * * * your rich citizens, merchants, and others of London, would have consented to sacrifice their riches, their houses, their families, and all their dearest interests, espe¬ cially when I had made them comprehend that I only came to * * * * * * away, and to give them liberty? No, it is contiary to j history and to human nature. Yon are too rich. Your principal j people have too much to lose by resistance, and your canaille too much to gain by a obange. If, indeed, they supposed that I ; wanted to render England a province of France, then indeed , I'esprit national would do wonders. But I would have formed a . republic according to your own wishes, required a moderate | contribution, barely sufficient to have paid the troops, and per aps no) even that. Your canaille would have been for me, knowing , qua je sitis I'homme da pe.nple, qne je sors de la canaille mol-mUme, (that I ain the man of the people, that I sprang from the populace . myself), that whenever a man had merit or talent, I eleyated him, i without asking how many degrees of nobility lie had ; and knowing, that by joining me, they would be relieved from the j. yoke ol the aristocracy under which they labour.” “ Shortly after Marengo,” continued Napoleon, “ Louts wrote a letter to me, which was delivered by the Abbe Mon¬ tesquieu, in which he said that I delayed for a. long time to restore him to his throne; that the hnppiness of France could never be complete without him ; neither could the glory of the country be complete without me ; that one was as ne¬ cessary to it as the other; and concluded by desiring me to chuse whatever I thought proper, which would be granted under him, provided that I restored him to his throne. I sent him back a very handsome answer, in which I stated that I was extremely sorry for the misfortunes of himself and his family; that I was ready to do everything in my power to relieve them, and would interest myself about pro¬ viding a suitable income for them ; but that he might aban¬ don the thought of ever returning to France as a Sovereign, as that could not be effected without his having passed over the bodies of five hundred thousand Frenchmen.” ***** “ Cornwallis,” said he, “ was a man of probity, a gene¬ rous and sincere character. Un tres brave homtue. He was the man who first gave me a good opinion of the Eng¬ lish ; his integrity, fidelity, frankness, and the noble¬ ness of his sentiments, impressed me with a very favourable opinion of you. I recollect Cornwallis say¬ ing, one day, ‘ There are certain qualities which may be bought, but a good character, sincerity, a proper pride, and calmness in the hour of danger, are not to be purchased.’ These words made an impression upon me. I gave him a regiment of cavalry to amuse jtimself with at Amiens* which used to manoeuvre before him. The officers of it loved him much. I do not believe that he was a man ol first-rate abili¬ ties, but he had talent, great probity, and sincerity. He ne¬ ver broke- his word. At Amiens, the treaty was ready, and was to be signed by him at the Hotel de la Ville, at nine o’clock. Something happened which prevented him from going; but he sent word to the French Ministers, that they might consider the treaty as h ving been signed, and that he would sign it the following day. A courier from England arrived at night, wit directions for him to refuse his consent to certain articles, and not to sign the treaty. Though Cornwallis had not signed it, and might have easily availed himself of this order, he was a man of such strict honour, that he said he considered his promise to be equivalent to his signa¬ ture, and wrote to his Government that he had promised, and that having once pledged his word, he would keep it. That if they were not satisfied, they might refuse to ratify the treaty. There was a man of honour—a true Englishman. Such a man as Cornwallis ought to have been sent here, instead of a compound of falsehood, suspicion, and meanness. I was much grieved when I heard ot his death. Some of his fa¬ mily occasionally wrote to me, to request favours for some prisoners, which I always complied with. Extract from “ A Voice from St. Helena—H* men¬ tioned that Talleyrand first suggested the attempt upon Spain, partly through hatred of the Bourboa family, and partly in the hope of filling his pockets. Conversing on the policy adopted by our Ministers, * It would have been better for England,’ he observed, * to have left me on the throne, as Russia, Austria, and Prussia, would, through jealousy of me, have given commercial advantage* to England. There is nothing how to prevent their taking steps to promote their own commercial interests, by injuring those of Eng¬ land. Moreover, having great influence with the French nation, and being loved by them, I could have given you a favourable commercial treaty, which the Bourbons, who are hated, dare not propose. But, in truth, there was nothing really to be feared from France, under any Sovereign. Until she has an army of five hundred thousand men, France is ' not to be dreaded. Besides, it was always for the Allies to grant peace. France was tired of war, and was frightened at the idea of new conquests. I succeeded in beating the Allies, because I attacked them in detail, and destroyed one power before the army of the other could arrive to support it. Hundreds of years will probably elapse before circum¬ stances will arise similar to those which concentrated such a mass of power in me. I repeat that there was nothing to be feared from me, for if I had attempted new conquests, the opinion which brought me back from Elba would have brown me to the ground again.’ Mr. O’Meara, in his “ Vo ice from St. Helenagives the following as one ef the conversations of Napoleon Buona¬ parte “ When Caatlereagh was at Chatillon with the Ambassadors of the Allied Powers* after some successes of mine, and when I had in a manner Invested the town, he was greatly alarmed lest I might seize hint rilid make him prisoner. Not being accredited as an Ambassador, fieff lii-a vested with any diplomatic character to France, I might have taken him as an enemy. He went to Caulineourt, to whom he mentioned that “ he laboured under considerable apprehensions that I should cause violent hands to be laid upon him,” as lie acknowledged I had a right to do. it wa* impossible for him to get away without falling in with my troops. Caulineourt replied, that as far as liis opinion went, he would say that I should not meddle with him ; but that he could not answer for what I might do. Immediately after, Caulineourt wrote to me what Castlereagh had said, and Ids answer. I signified to him in reply* that he Was to tell Lord Castlereagh to make his mind eaSy i)nd Stay H’iierd he was : that I would consider him as an Ambassador. Al Chatillon (continued Buonaparte), when speaking about the liberty enjoyed in England, Castlereagh observed, in a con¬ temptuous manner, that it was not the thing most to be esteemed in England ; that it was an usage they were obliged to put up with ; but that it had become an abuse, and would not answer for other counjries.”